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Barry Seal

Barry Seal



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Barry Seal, the son of a candy wholesaler, was born in Baton Rouge on 16th July, 1939. Seal's father was a member of the Ku Klux Klan.

Seal became obsessed with aircraft and took his first solo flight at the age of fifteen and was soon making a living towing advertising banners. In 1955 Seal joined the Civil Air Patrol (CAP) in Baton Rouge. Soon afterwards Seal took part in a CAP joint training mission with the New Orleans unit that was run by David Ferrie. According to John Odom, a fellow CAP member, Seal met Lee Harvey Oswald during this training.

Tosh Plumlee claims that Barry Seal began working for the Central Intelligence Agency in the mid 1950s: "Barry Seal was involved with military intelligence in the early days... Military intelligence was the real game, with the CIA just acting as logistical people. Barry was a peripheral player back then, but he was a CIA 'contract' pilot all the way back to 1956 or 1957."

In 1958 Seal began ferrying weapons to Fidel Castro fighting against the the Fulgencio Batista regime in Cuba. At the time a section of the CIA was supporting the overthrow of Batista. However, the policy changed soon after Castro gained power and Seal is said to have taken part in air attacks on the new government.

The following year Barry Seal became a CIA pilot in Guatemala. It is also believed that Seal was involved in training Cuban exiles on No-Name Key in Florida and on the north shore of Lake Pontchartrain in Louisiana. He also ran a couple of companies based in Baton Rouge: Seal Sky Service and Aerial Advertising Associates and had an office in the International Trade Center run by Clay Shaw.

Gerry Hemming claims that Barry Seal was a member of Operation 40 in the early 1960s. Hemming told author, Daniel Hopsicker: "Yeah, Barry was Op 40. He flew in killer teams inside the island (Cuba) before the invasion to take out Fidel."

In December, 1962, Seal joined the 21st Special Forces Group and attended the Fort Benning Jump School. In May 1963 he was assigned to company D Special Operations Detachment of the 20th Special Forces Group Airborne. Seal also seems to have been involved in the assassination of John F. Kennedy. According to his wife, Deborah, "Barry Seal flew a getaway plane out of Dallas after JFK was killed."

In 1964 Seal joined the 245th Engineer Battalion based in St. Louis. He left in 1966. Soon afterwards he went to work for Howard Hughes and the TWA Corporation. According to his biographer, Daniel Hopsicker (Barry and the Boys), Seal "becomes first the youngest 707 Captain, and then later the youngest Captain of a 747."

Tosh Plumlee claims that Barry Seal also worked for Ted Shackley and the CIA: "Barry Seal did a lot of damn good stuff in the late 60s. In 67 and 68 he was with Air America in South Vietnam and Laos during Search and Destroy and Special Ops with Ted Shackley's boys. He'd been recruited for Special Ops because of the Cuban thing."

On 1st July, 1972, Barry Seal was arrested in New Orleans and accused of sending C4 explosives to anti-Castro Cubans in Mexico. A DC-4 was seized at the Shreveport Regional Airport loaded with almost seven tons of plastic C-4 explosives, 7,000 feet of explosive primer cord and 2,600 electric blasting caps. James Miller, Richmond Harper, Marlon Hagler and Murray Kessler were also arrested with Seal. Kessler's partner, Manny Gambino, was kidnapped around the same time the others were arrested. His corpse was later found in a New Jersey garbage dump.

The DC-4 was owned by James Boy, a known associate of the CIA. Boy's aircraft were later used to fly Oliver North's mercenaries in and out of Honduras. The man who organized the entrapment of Seal and his friends was Cesario Diosdado, an official with the United States Customs.

It took the authorities over two years to bring Barry Seal to trial. When the trial finally got underway in June, 1974, government prosecutors promptly introduced into evidence an automatic weapon that had nothing at all to do with the charges against the defendants. A mistrial was declared and Seal and his fellow defendants were released. According to Pete Brewton (The Mafia, CIA & George Bush), as soon as Seal was freed he "began working full-time for the CIA, travelling back and forth from the United States to Latin America." Daniel Hopsicker claims Seal was now "sheep-dipped" into the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) as an agent for the Special Operations Group. Seal worked under Lucien Conein, who ran secret missions for the DEA. Egil Krogh, who was employed by Richard Nixon as liaison to the FBI and the DEA, later admitted that he placed Cronein in the Office of Narcotics in the White House.

According to Deborah Seal, her husband became involved in drug smuggling in 1975. On 10th December, 1979, Barry Seal and Steve Planta were arrested in Honduras, after arriving from Ecuador with 40 kilos of cocaine. Newspapers reported that $25 million worth of cocaine was confiscated and the men were charged with having 17 kilos of cocaine in their possession. Seal spent nine months in prison before being released without charge.

While in prison, Barry Seal met William Roger Reeves, a fellow drug smuggler who worked for the Ochoa family of Medellin. In 1981, Reeves, Ochoa's business manager in New Orleans, introduced Seal to Felix Bates. As a result Seal began a close relationship with the Colombians and became part of what became known as the Medellin Cartel. Established in 1980, the Medellin Cartel began when Jorge Ochoa convinced the major cocaine families to contribute $7 million each for the formation of a 2,000-man army in order to destroy the Marxist revolutionary group M-19, that was causing the drug barons problems in Colombia.

Drug barons such as Jorge Ochoa and Pablo Escobar now began working together. It has been estimated that the cartel made up to $60 million per month and its leaders joined the list of the world's richest men. The CIA watched this development with interest. It decided that the Medellin Cartel could be used to help defeat communism throughout Latin America. According to Leslie Cockburn, CIA agent, Felix I. Rodriguez, persuaded the Medellin Cartel to make a $10 million contribution to the Contras.

By 1982 Barry Seal was bringing in drugs to the United States on behalf of the Medellin Cartel. Seal moved his base of operations from Louisiana to Mena, an obscure airport in the secluded mountains of western Arkansas. Seal told friends that he once made $1.5 million on a single cocaine flight. Seal worked directly for Sonia Atala, the CIA protected drug baron (Michael Levine, The Big White Lie: The CIA and the Cocaine/Crack Epidemic). It is also claimed that Seal's fleet of planes to ferry supplies to Contra camps in Honduras and Costa Rica. His planes also made return trips to airstrips in the mountains of Colombia and Venezuela. According to Roger Morris (Partners in Power): "His well-connected and officially-protected smuggling operation based in Mena accounted for billions in drugs and arms".

Seal also obtained two new multi-million dollar Beech Craft King Air 200s. According to Daniel Hopsicker, these aircraft were purchased by a Phoenix-based corporation that acted as a "front" for John Singlaub. This company also owned Southern Air, a CIA proprietary connected to William Casey, Richard Secord, Felix I. Rodriguez and George H. W. Bush.

Seal also owned a Lear jet. It had previously been owned by Reggie and Bill Whittington. In 1981 the brothers were arrested and charged in Florida with importing 400,000 pounds of marijuana and evading taxes on $73 million. The Lear jet was then passed on to Seal. It was registered as being owned by Intercontinental Holding, a CIA front company in the Cayman Islands that had been established by Paul Helliwell.

In March, 1984, Seal was indicted at Fort Lauderdale, Florida, for smuggling Quaaludes and laundering money. Former undercover narcotics investigator Stan Hughes told Daniel Hopsicker (Barry and the Boys) that: "When Barry got busted on the Quaalude thing, and I heard about their being government intervention to save his ass, I didn't believe it at first. But talk to any smuggler, and they'll tell you: they can always buy their way out of a dope deal."

In an attempt to avoid an expected 10 year sentence, Seal made contact with George H. Bush. He then appeared before a secret session of Bush's Task Force on Drugs in Washington where he testified that the Sandinistas were directly involved in drug trafficking into the United States. Seal claimed that the Medellin Cartel had made a deal with the Sandinistas, awarding them cuts of drug profits in exchange for the use of an airfield in Managua as a trans-shipment point for narcotics.

This news was welcomed by President Ronald Reagan who wanted to launch an all out war on the Sandinistas in Nicaragua. The Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) was now put under pressure to enlist Seal as an undercover informant with a special emphasis on the "Nicaraguan connection".

Seal agreed to organize a sting operation where he managed to get a photograph of Pablo Escobar helping Nicaraguan soldiers to load 1,200 kilos of cocaine on a C-123 military cargo plane. Soon afterwards Reagan went on television with the photograph to denounce the "Sandinistas as drug smugglers corrupting American youth".

As a result of Seal's cooperation in setting up this sting, the judge in Florida reduced his sentence from ten years to six months probation. The judge praised Seal for his work against the Sandinistas and pointing out that "when an informant puts his life on the line to help the forces of law and order, they deserve just compensation".

Seal also offered to provide information to the DEA implicating federal officials in the Iran-Contra scandal. This included Richard Ben-Veniste, a Watergate prosecutor who played a crucial role in the successful fight to secure the secret Richard Nixon White House tapes. Ben-Veniste represented both Barry Seal and Bill Clinton in the early 1980s. Ben-Veniste served as chief counsel to the Senate Whitewater Committee. However, the authorities were not interested in this information.

In December 1984, Seal was arrested in Louisiana after flying in a cargo of marijuana. After paying a $250,000 bond, Seal was released and returned to drug smuggling. In return Seal provided information that resulted in the US government obtaining 17 criminal convictions. According to Daniel Hopsicker: "Seal told investigators that between March 1984, and August 1985, he made a quarter-million dollars smuggling up to 15,000 kilos of cocaine while working for the DEA, and another $575,000 when the DEA let him keep the money from one shipment."

Barry Seal appeared before Judge Frank Polozola in Baton Rouge on 20th December, 1985. Found guilty of two drug felony convictions, Seal was sentenced to six months supervised probation. A condition of the sentence was that he had to spend every night, from 6.00 p.m. to 6.00 a.m., at the Salvation Army halfway house on Baton Rouge's Airline Highway strip. Judge Polozola barred him from carrying a gun or hiring armed guards. Barry Seal told his friends "they made me a clay pigeon".

Barry Seal was asked by his close friend, Rene Martin, if he feared being killed by the Ochoa family. Barry Seal replied that he was not afraid of the Colombians because he had not implicated senior members of the organization. Seal was more worried about his contacts within the US government. This view is supported by Lewis Unglesby, Seal’s lawyer. He confirmed that the man Seal was willing to testify against was George H. Bush.

On 19th February, 1986, Barry Seal returned to his Salvation Army hostel at 6.00 p.m. As he parked his white Cadillac he was approached by a man carrying a machine-gun. Two quick bursts hit Seal's head and body. One of Seal's friends, Russ Eakin, observed the killing. "I saw Barry get killed from the window of the Belmont hotel coffee shop. The killers were both out of the car, one on either side, but I only saw one shoot, cause Barry saw it coming and just put his head down on the steering column."

Over the next few days the police received information that enabled them to arrest several men for the killing of Barry Seal. This included Miguel Velez, Bernardo Vasquez, Luis Quintero-Cruz, John Cardona, Eliberto Sanchez and Jose Renteria. A seventh, Rafa Cardona, managed to escape back to Colombia. He was murdered later that year. Eliberto Sanchez and John Cardona were deported and never appeared in court for the crime. Nor did Jose Coutin who supplied the weapons for the killing of Seal. However, he was not charged with any crime and instead testified in court against Miguel Velez, Luis Quintero-Cruz and Bernardo Vasquez. According to Leslie Cockburn (Out of Control) Coutin was a CIA asset.

One of those originally arrested, Jose Renteria, took photographs of the dead Seal in the car. When his camera was confiscated by an FBI agent at New Orleans airport, it was opened and the film inside exposed. While being interrogated, Renteria claimed that Jose Coutin was linked to Oliver North. However, this information was never produced in court as Renteria was not charged with the murder and was instead deported to Colombia.

Miguel Velez, Luis Quintero-Cruz and Bernardo Vasquez were found guilty of Barry Seal's murder and sentenced to life terms without parole. The official story was that Jorge Ochoa had murdered Seal in order to stop him testifying at his U.S. trial. Yet Ochoa never stood trial in the U.S. Nor did Seal appear to be afraid of Ochoa. His concern was with George H. Bush and the CIA. For example, Barry Seal's secretary, Dandra Seale (no relation) does not believe the Medellin Cartel carried out the assassination. "The CIA people here allowed it to happen. He had a chart, he had dirt on anybody and everybody."

Further evidence comes from Dee Ferdinand. She told Daniel Hopsicker that her father, Al Carone, was a CIA paymaster and a Colonel in Army Intelligence, had been sent to Dallas to pay off Jack Ruby before the assassination of John F. Se also claimed that 33 years later Carone performed the same function for the killing of Barry Seal. According to FAA investigator, Rodney Stich, Carone was Oliver North's bagman.

Richard Sharpstein, defense attorney for one of Seal's assassins, Miguel Velez, says: "All three Colombians who went on trial always said they were being directed, after they got into this country, on what to do and where to go by an ‘anonymous gringo,' a US military officer, who they very quickly figured out was Oliver North,"

There was apparently another reason why George Bush wanted Seal dead. According to friends, Seal had a copy of a videotape of a 1985 DEA cocaine sting which had netted George Bush's two sons, George and Jeb, picking up kilos of cocaine at a Florida airport.

After his death, his widow, Debbie Seal, received a $29 million dollar jeopardy assessment from the Internal Revenue Service. It has been claimed that this was a strategy to keep her from talking to reporters. While defending herself from the IRS charge, she discovered a frequently-called phone number in Barry's records. When she dialed it she discovered it belonged to the Defense Intelligence Agency. She was told to "never call it again". Later that day, the DIA phoned her back. "Debbie, you're young, you have a whole life ahead of you, and you have your kids to think about... Don't call anyone in Washington again."

On 5th October, 1986, a Sandinista patrol in Nicaragua shot down a C-123K cargo plane that was supplying the Contras. That night Felix Rodriguez made a telephone call to the office of George H. He told Bush aide, Samuel Watson, that the C-123k aircraft had gone missing. Eugene Hasenfus, an Air America veteran, survived the crash and told his captors that he thought the CIA was behind the operation. He also provided information that several Cuban-Americans running the operation in El Salvador. This resulted in journalists being able to identify Rafael Quintero, Luis Posada and Felix Rodriguez as the Cuban-Americans mentioned by Hasenfus.

It was the beginning of the Iran-Contra scandal. The C-123K cargo plane that had been shot down had previously been owned by Barry Seal. Eugene Hasenfus, later claimed it was sheer coincidence that a plane once owned by Seal was now part of a secret network led by Oliver North.

Lucien Conein was organizing an assassination program. Once we got it underway in 1974, with a bunch of anti-Castro Cuban assets, I went down to Colombia. The big thing then was sailboats and a small planes and Conein jumped in and the Quantum Corporation and Stewart Mott was around.

See, the people who control intel nets and have palace access are gun dealers and drug dealers. When I met Barry in 1974, his 'cover' was as an ex-coast guard pilot. But Barry was primarily just a plane-mover back then. He's moving planes around, gunrunning, hauling cars and cigarettes and stuff...

First of all, we figure, who's using this dope? Leftists! This is not a fact that messes up my chess game. This is not a fact that messes up my chess game. You cannot allow that kind of capability to remain freelance. There is too much money. Some tinhorn asshole can come in, take over, and end up ruling a subcontinent. We were always looking for signs of foreign intelligence and military penetration of the South American drug trade, signs of Soviet or Cuban presence.

A supply plane shot down over Nicaragua this week was dubbed "the fat lady" by one of its former owners, slain drug informant Adler "Barry" Seal.

The Contra weapons supply plane identified by the Sandinista government is owned by Doan Helicopters Inc. of Daytona Beach, Fla., according to Federal Aviation Administration records.

Attorney Dale Baringer, who is handling Seal's estate, on Thursday said a 1985 purchase order shows Seal sold the Fairchild C-123 K-model transport plane to Doan in June 1985. "Barry acquired it to complete an undercover operation in Nicaragua," Baringer said. "Barry sold it with certain rights to reacquire it or to share in the profit if it was sold."

Seal acquired the large transport plane in June 1984 for a DEA undercover operation that ultimately involved the CIA, producing the first documented evidence of the communist Sandinista government's involvement in cocaine trafficking, according to court testimony from DEA agents.

Transcripts of court testimony show Seal allowed the CIA to equip the plane with hidden cameras that produced photographs of Nicaraguan government official Federico Vaughan loading a shipment of cocaine onto the C-123, with the help of members of the Cuban Army and reputed Colombian drug lord Pablo Escobar-Gaviria.

Release of the photos and details of the operation by federal officials prematurely ended the undercover DEA operation in late 1984, according to court testimony. But one of the photos resurfaced in March when it was displayed by President Reagan in a nationwide television address to help explain his administration's charge that Nicaraguan government officials are involved in drug trafficking.

The three Colombian nationals were convicted of murder in the death of Adler (Barry) Seal, an informer who was to have been a Government witness in a drug case. Miguel Velez, Luis Carlos Quinter-Cruz and Bernardo Antonio Vasquez were sentenced to life terms without parole after a jury rejected a possible death sentence.

Defendants being taken from court after trial Wednesday in Lake Charles, La. The three Colombian nationals were convicted of murder in the death of Adler (Barry) Seal, an informer who was to have been a Government witness in a drug case. Miguel Velez, Luis Carlos Quinter-Cruz and Bernardo Antonio Vasquez were sentenced to life terms without parole after a jury rejected a possible death sentence.

For seven years, Barry Seal flew tons of cocaine from the jungle airstrips of Colombia to drop zones in the Louisiana swamps.

When he became a government informant in 1984 and double-crossed the cocaine cartel he once worked for, he knew what could happen. "I can take the pressure," he said. "I'm not worried about the contract. If it comes, it comes."

It came February 19, 1986, in the parking lot of the Salvation Army halfway house on Baton Rouge's busy Airline Highway strip.

As Seal, 43, returned to the halfway house for the evening, a condition of his federal probation, assassins sprayed his white Cadillac Fleetwood with machine-gun fire. Six of the .45-caliber bullets ripped into Seal's chest, neck and head.

Seal's activities and associations at the Mena Intermountain Regional Airport in western Arkansas are now the subject of seven official investigations. Investigators are examining allegations of an international conspiracy involving gun running, cocaine smuggling and the illegal supply network serving the Nicaraguan contra rebels.

The first question they will face may not be easy to answer: Who was Barry Seal? A review of police files, federal court trial transcripts, Seal's testimony before the President's Commission on Organized Crime and interviews with those who knew him have formed a sketch of Seal. Seal's friends and enemies say he could fly anything with wings. They say he was a gregarious, confident hustler who could sell you an empty sardine can for a dollar. "He was a good con artist, very arrogant and good at what he was doing," said A. L. Hadaway of Mena, the former Polk County sheriff who investigated Seal. "He was probably one of the best and most profitable smugglers in the country."

Some will tell you he was a loving family man and a generous employer. "He was sweet and good, and he was there when you needed him," Dandra Seale of Baton Rouge, his former secretary, said. Others say he was a ruthless, violent cocaine smuggler who ruined thousands of lives. "Don't make him into a hero," one Louisiana law enforcement officer said.

While other teenagers were learning to drive, Barry Seal was learning to fly. At 15, Seal made his first solo flight at Baton Rouge's Ryan Airport. After a hitch in the Army, Seal joined Trans World Airlines. However, his airline career ended in 1972 when Seal was charged with smuggling explosives into Mexico for anti-Castro Cubans trained by the Central Intelligence Agency. He was later acquitted. But there were other options for a pilot like Seal. Seal began smuggling marijuana in 1977, but cocaine's "ease of handling" and big profits soon caught his attention, he said. Seal bragged that he once made $1.5 million on a single cocaine flight.

"Basically, smuggling was so simple, so anonymous and so lucrative that it eventually became my sole occupation," he told the President's Commission on Organized Crime in 1985.

In December 1979, Seal was arrested and jailed in Honduras after authorities there found a machine gun in his airplane. While in jail, Seal met Emile Camp of Slidell, La., another drug pilot. After they were released, Camp became Seal's co-pilot. "Emile and Barry worked really closely," Dandra Seale said. "They were together at all times."

Hadaway, who is now manager of an aircraft engine shop near the Mena airport, said Seal may have based some planes at Mena in late 1981. He said Seal began making frequent appearances at Mena in late 1982 or early 1983.

Seal's transformation from smuggler to government informant began in March 1984 when he was indicted at Fort Lauderdale, Fla., for smuggling Quaaludes and laundering money. A month later, he made the first of several unsuccessful attempts to interest the federal government in a deal. If federal authorities would agree to reduce his sentence, he would help build a case against the Colombian drug cartel. He found no takers. So he went over their heads.

Seal testified in a federal drug trial at Las Vegas in 1985 that he flew in his Lear jet to Washington, D. C., in March 1984 and met with two members of Vice President George Bush's drug task force. They put him in touch with the Justice Department's Drug Enforcement Administration at Miami. Seal and the DEA struck a deal. Soon, Seal was working as an undercover informant.

"The biggest drug smuggler in American History was a CIA Agent."

That's the mind-boggling conclusion of a 6-month investigation into the life and death of Barry Seal, a pivotal figure of the Iran/Contra '80s. Seal's C123 military cargo plane figured prominently in two of the biggest and least-understood events of the decade, the Sandinista 'drug-sting' operation, designed to be the 'Gulf of Tonkin Incident' in a US-Nicaragua war, and the downing, six months after Seal's assassination, of his beloved Fat Lady cargo plane over Nicaragua, with Eugene Hasenfus onboard, precipitating what came to be known, mistakenly, as Iran/Contra.

We have learned that the official cover-up of Seal's CIA affiliation began before his body was cold.

Until now, the 'official version of events' retailed the popular legend of Barry Seal's assassination, with Seal being gunned down by Colombians on a Medellin cartel hit.

Three Colombians were convicted of his murder, and while their cartel connections have been revealed to the world, their connection to Oliver North's Enterprise has not. The 'shooter team' was armed by somebody with long experience with shooter teams, Miami CIA asset Jose Coutin, whose Miami gun shop also supplied weapons to the Contras.

They are part of what we call the Secret History; that is, that history of our life and times in which lone gunmen do NOT play any significant role.

Speculation has long been that Seal was assassinated, not on cartel orders, but at the behest of the CIA. But unless the Medellin cartel was giving orders to the FBI, which confiscated and then withheld evidence in Seal's capital murder investigation in Baton Rouge Louisiana of February 1986, the 'conspiracy theorists' among us may turn out to be right: the CIA ordered the hit on Seal.

The Medellin 'hit' story has always had one big flaw: who would dare to kill one of the CIA's own? Recall, for example, what the KGB did in Lebanon in the 80's when one of their agents was kidnapped in the Bekaa Valley: if you didn't hear that grisly story of Russian-retaliation-via- human-dismemberment, you were fortunate.

So a cartel hit on a CIA Agent is a dubious proposition. But the Medellin Cartel fulfilling the contract has always made a certain sense, at least to those who understand that the most important doctrine of American Foreign Policy is not the Monroe Doctrine, but the Doctrine of Plausible Deniability.

When, for example, the Gambino Family (to cite another organized crime syndicate) finds it necessary to enforce discipline by 'splashing' one of their own, they may contract it out to another 'outfit.' But woe betide the organization that takes it on itself to kill one of their own without permission.

Our investigation, with some of its evidence presented here for the first time, proves that the biggest cocaine smuggler in American History, Barry Seal, was a CIA Agent. So, would the Medellin Cartel risk the wrath of the CIA to kill Seal?

Other than those whose cars get waved through the checkpoints at Langley Virginia, there has been only one person until today in a position to find out. And he had his doubts about the cartel-hit cover story, as well.

His name is Sam Dalton, and he was the New Orleans attorney who represented the Colombian hit men who killed Seal in the penalty phase of their trial. Sam Dalton subpoenaed the CIA about what he suspected was its complicity in Seal's assassination in a court of law.

The "conspiracy theorists" among us (you know who you are) were right.

"We were trying to subpoena the CIA because we felt like they had documents, exhibits, and evidence that would indicate complicity in Seal's assassination," Dalton says slowly.

Through discovery, his investigation gained access to something more valuable than gold, the contents of the trunk of Barry Seal's Cadillac on the night he died, and discovered that a cover-up was underway before Seal's body had grown cold in the Baton Rouge morgue.

"The FBI went into the Baton Rouge Police Department and literally and physically seized the contents of that trunk from the Baton Rouge Police. In fact, the Baton Rouge Police probably would have had to draw their guns to keep possession of that trunk," Dalton says today, in an explosive interview on the just-released 2-hour TV special "The Secret Heartbeat of America."

His voice slows further, his words growing more deliberate. "And, actually, by law, the Baton Rouge Police should have done that, but they didn't."

Why didn't they? What was there about Barry Seal that led the FBI and the CIA to refuse to cooperate with state officials in the most publicized assassination in Louisiana history?

Dalton wanted to know. And so he began a legal battle to gain access to the evidence seized. Even he sounds surprised that he was, eventually, at least partly successful.

"They (the CIA and FBI) wouldn't even honor the subpoena," he states, about the demands of the trial judge for the return of the seized evidence.

But then a wild card entered the picture, as wild cards often do in America, even today, in the form of a courageous state judge. "It wasn't until a state judge really backed them up, and threatened to hold them in contempt, that they partially complied."

Dalton described the brinkmanship necessary to gain access to what the defense should have had as a matter of course during discovery.

"If it hadn't been for a good state judge, with enough courage to back the federal government up," Dalton stated, "we'd have never gotten inside that trunk. He (the judge) made them give us that trunk back."

And when the FBI finally did turn over the contents of the trunk they had obviously ransacked it first, Dalton says. "Some of the things that had been in it we didn't get back."

Then Dalton's voice turns positively gleeful. "But they had missed a few things that indicated just how valuable that trunk was. Because that's where that phone number was. That's where we found George Bush's private phone number. "

"They were regularly talking to each other very seriously over what was probably a secure phone," he states.

"Barry Seal was in direct contact with George Bush."

Barry Seal and George Bush? Could they have been, secretly, one of Washington's Fun Couples of the '80's?

Lewis Unglesby is today one of the most powerful and well-known attorneys in Louisiana. But back in 1986, he was just a 36-year-old lawyer who represented Barry Seal, and who, Unglesby himself admits, was made by Seal to operate on a "need-to-know basis."

"I sat him down one time," recalls Unglesby, talking about his relationship with Seal, "and said: I cannot represent you effectively unless I know what is going on. Barry smiled, and gave me a number, and told me to call it, and identify myself as him (Seal.)

I dialed the number, a little dubiously, and a pleasant female voice answered: 'Office of the Vice President.'"

"This is Barry Seal," Unglesby said into the phone.

"Just a moment, sir," the secretary replied. "Then a man's voice came on the line, identifying himself as Admiral somebody, and said to me, 'Barry, where have you been?'"

"Excuse me, Sir, "Unglesby replied, "but my name is Lewis Unglesby and I'm Barry Seal's attorney."

There was a click, Unglesby relates. The phone went dead. "Seal just smiled when I looked over at him in shock, and then went back to treating me on a need-to-know basis."

(The Admiral in question might well have been Admiral Daniel Murphy, assigned to work in the Office of the Vice President, from which numerous reports state Contra operations were masterminded.)

But this is not just a case of (yet another) official cover-up of the murder of a quasi-public official, Barry Seal. There is strong evidence that the murder was not just covered-up, but orchestrated by the very same people who later trooped dutifully up Capital Hill to lie to the United Stages Congress about what became known as the Iran/Contra. Scandal.

Consider, for example, the simple mathematics of the hit team. Seven people were arrested in connection with Seal's assassination. But only four men were charged with the crime, and only three were convicted. The fourth Colombian charged, although presumably guilty at the least of conspiracy to commit murder, was extradited to Columbia.

And what are we to make of the evidence of George Bush's personal phone number in Seal's possession at the time of his death? Is this some historical anomaly, upon which experts will eternally disagree? What was George Bush's knowledge and involvement in cocaine smuggling under the pretext of national security carried out in Mena Arkansas?

The complete answer waits another day, but consider this: pretend that your unlisted phone number had been found with the body of the biggest drug smuggler in American History. What sort of questions might the police ask you?

The story of Barry Seal, drug smuggler, is well known today, at least in its outlines. What hasn't been known before now is much about the story of Barry Seal, CIA Agent.

We spoke with one of the three government witnesses in the penalty phase of the Colombians' trial whose testimony was so damning about Seal's activities on behalf of the federal government that two jurors attempted to change their verdict to 'not guilty.'

In our television special, Sam Dalton has this to say about this man: "If all our government people were as courageous as he was, we wouldn't have the problems today in this country that we have."

Ten years ago, this man knew as much about Barry Seal's drug-smuggling activities as anyone alive. Today this man holds an important and sensitive government position requiring anonymity, and thus requested anonymity when we interviewed him.

Attorney Sam Dalton offers another bombshell. "Lieutenant ______ caught Seal smuggling drugs red-handed at the docks, and the DEA and the CIA showed up, and told the state police to butt out, and took over the operation." Its not known if the DEA or CIA ever made efforts to charge Seal for this crime, but we wouldn't bet on it.

"Barry's involvement in Contra re-supply began way before the commonly accepted date of 1983," this source told us in a matter-of-fact tone.

We asked him of his knowledge of Seal's CIA connections. "Barry's been a spook since 1971," he stated calmly. "In fact, Barry goes all the way back to the Bay of Pigs."

Ten years ago, honest state law enforcement officials in affected states like Louisiana and Arkansas were outspoken in their condemnation of what they saw as officially-sanctioned drug smuggling in Mena Arkansas.

Yet, ten years ago, the cocaine continued to flow.

Today, courageous San Jose Mercury News journalist Gary Webb has been relegated to writing obituaries in Cupertino, California for his refusal to "get with the program."

But others have stepped forward to continue the fight to expose the scandal that swirls around the CIA, the Contras, and cocaine, and particularly on the Mena, Arkansas front on this battleground to know the truth.

Today, new sources like Sam Dalton are coming forward with forthright testimony to add to the voluminous evidence and testimony that already exists, testimony ranging from US Congressmen (former Ark. Rep. Bill Alexander) to state police (Arkansas State Criminal Investigator Russell Welch), to former drug pilots, that have testified that the CIA operation Barry Seal set up in Mena was used, and is still being used, to smuggle drugs with official sanction into the United States of America.

Today, all this is already known.

And today, the cocaine continues to flow.

"Seal's lawyer, Lewis Unglesby, testified that when they told Barry he had to report to the halfway house, Barry told them it was a death warrant. Seal went back to Unglesby's office, where they called George Bush directly, who was then both Vice President and coordinator of the Drug Task Force. Barry threatened to blow the whistle on the Contra guns-for-drugs deals. Barry had openly said to many people that he had hired and trained a lot of the pilots on that operation, and he had the goods on Bush and others. IRS agents showed up at his house, and claimed there was a $30 million lien on him because he'd made $60 million in the drug business. Barry told them to go to hell. He called Bush again and told him to get the IRS off his ass. He wouldn't let the IRS agents in the house, so they came back with a warrant. He was burning things in the toilet. This testimony came from IRS agents in the sentencing phase when we were trying to prove the government was involved. Shortly before he was killed, they were threatening to take away his house." The IRS was able to seize most of Seal's aircraft, while his million-dollar offshore bank accounts were also mysteriously emptied out.

"An interesting thing came up from the local cops," Sharpstein continues. "When it went out on the honk as to who it was that was killed at the halfway house, the FBI showed up and cleaned out Seal's car. There was almost nothing left. We finally made them give us a couple of boxes. They claimed they gave us what they had, like a phony passport from Honduras, but nothing heavy."

When HT pointed out that didn't sound legal, seizing evidence from a murder scene under investigation, Sharpstein replied ruefully, "Right. But there were a lot of funny things that went on. The Colombians got a life sentence instead of the death penalty, because we showed government complicity." The most important item retrieved from Seal's car was George Bush's private phone number.

Hopsicker is the first researcher to note there were other murders that same day, including top people in the Medellin cartel. Pablo Carrera, the number-two man, was gunned down in Colombia, as was Pablo Ochilla, the brother-in-law of Jorge Ochoa. The murders took place simultaneously in Colombia, Miami and Baton Rouge.

"Barry Seal wasn't assassinated by the Medellin cartel," says Hopsicker, who alleges that up to 30 cartel soldiers were also murdered that same evening. "Seal's murder may have been the opening salvo in the cleanup of Operation Black Eagle, a network of 5,000 people who made possible the export of arms in the direction of Central America, and the import of drugs back."

This is an amplification of the workings of Group Four--the corrupt law enforcement boys that do the dirty work for the controllers. They constitute what are referred to as the “black” sectors of our own government, and are linked to a larger sector of the organized criminal world. This is one reason why the FBI maintains so many underworld contacts. It’s not just for utilitarian purposes of tracking the underworld. They assist each other in numerous covert activities.

Each of the Federal Services (FBI, CIA, ATF, INS, Secret Service, etc.) have many good and patriotic people working for them. The good guys are the regular, naive, “want to serve my country” types who are assigned the legitimate tasks of government enforcement. Virtually every agency head knows about the black side of his organization. No one is allowed to run these agencies unless he can be trusted to execute the special orders that come down via discrete private channels. Upper level managers who are part of the conspiracy are always watching and judging both the above ground side and the covert “black” side to see who can be trusted to do corrupt work or who has to be removed.

They look for signs of unprincipled behavior in those they invite to do the “dirty tricks” stuff. These guys carouse, they cheat regularly on their wives, and in short, don’t have any scruples about doing any job for money or future advancement. These are carefully cultivated and tested with a variety of semi-legal activities to make sure they don’t have much of a conscience. Once they enter the “black” underground, they enter the world of covert operations--but not just ordinary covert operations (because there are both legitimate and criminal types of operations performed by the same agency). I do not have the space in this book to detail all the evidence for this, but I will tell you this:

1. The CIA runs a worldwide drug distribution net, to finance this black underground series of operations. Kun San, the infamous drug warlord of the Iron triangle testified of this openly--that his major client was the CIA and he could name names. Barry Seal was killed after revealing his involvement in flying cargo planes loaded with drugs for the CIA into the famous Mena Arkansas 10,000 foot rural runway (during Governor Clinton’s term).

2. The FBI regularly assists and covers up for numerous illicit government operations. Occasionally, critical evidence is falsified in their now discredited forensics labs in order to alter the outcomes of certain investigations. The FBI played a major role in the cover-up of the JFK assassination, the Waco attack, the Oklahoma City Bombing, and the Vince Foster murder.

3. CIA and Secret Service agents who were part of the “black” underground side, pulled off the assassination of John F. Kennedy, Bobby Kennedy and Martin Luther King, to make them martyrs for a much larger political purpose. The killers may not have known the purpose, but those who gave the orders did.

John F. Kennedy was, in my opinion, the first president to be elected who actually knew that he was put into power by this powerful underground group. He was only a second level person himself however, and quite disposable, as we later found out. JFK was taken out by the very same leaders who put him in. The job was carried out by a select group of dirty tricks boys from the CIA, Secret Service, and FBI. This was the world’s first good look at the workings of the conspiracy. They made a lot of sloppy mistakes, and got away with it for only one reason--they had enough control over the media, members of the Supreme Court, Congress, and a host of others that they could cover up almost anything. Their errors were huge and needed multiple cover-ups. Watching how they did it told me a lot about how extensive their powers are. Before I go into some details, let me backtrack and show how this gang of government hit-men operates in various parts of the federal security forces.


Tom Cruise's American Made Movie Leaves One Major Question Unanswered

The writers were more inspired by a true story than they were faithful to it.

American Made is one of many "so crazy, it must be real" stories that have hit Hollywood in the form of a major action movie in recent years. The film stars Tom Cruise as Barry Seal, a pilot, turned drug runner, turned DEA agent, turned possible CIA operative. The real story of American Made is so wild, it's almost impossible to make a distinction between fact and fiction in the movie, except when it comes to what happened to Barry Seal's family. American Made puts a lot of emphasis on Barry's family life, especially his love for his wife, Lucy (Sarah Wright). That family man status is one of the aspects of the film that, for all intents and purposes, was actually true.

In American Made, Barry Seal's family consists of his wife and their three children, two boys and one girl, all seen at various stages in their lives throughout the film. After Barry — spoiler alert — is murdered by Medellin Cartel assassins (or CIA operatives, depending on who you believe), all the already-dwindling riches earned by Barry's illegal dealings disappear, and Lucy is seen working at KFC to support herself and the kids. In real life, Lucy was actually Debbie Dubois Seal (aka Deborah Seal). And following her husband's death, she too fell upon hard times.

Seal's arrests for drug trafficking and illegal activities leading up to his death led to government seizures of his property and estate. Debbie, who described Seal to The Daily Mail as "an adrenaline junkie," also told the paper that she and her children were left to survive on Seal's life insurance. "The millions of dollars they said he made — if he did, he was holding out on me," she said.

It's unclear whether or not Debbie did actually work in the food service industry after Seal's death, as her character does in the film. However, she was working in a restaurant when the two met, so perhaps there is a grain of truth to that small detail. As for their three children — Aaron, Christine, and Dean — they are just regular adults living their lives. Debbie actually lives with her daughter, according to The Daily Mail, and the three of them participated in the making of American Made, along with their mother. Director Doug Liman said they helped him and writer Gary Spinelli learn more personal stories about Barry, not just the tall tales of the drug world.

"His [Cruise's] character is inspired by the stories we learned about Barry, and a lot of times, stories like this, not only do journalists look at the veracity of the actual events portrayed but also the personal aspects," Liman said in an interview with Vulture. "In the case of our story, Barry's wife showed us a photo of her visiting him in a Guatemalan prison on his birthday and cutting his birthday cake with a machete."

That said, Barry Seal's real family does not appear to have participated much in the official promotion of American Made. Perhaps they choose to steer away from the spotlight, or maybe they don't want people to think American Made is a completely factual story. (As noted above, the filmmakers were more inspired by Seal's story than they were faithful to it.) Regardless of the reason why, Seal's family seems to have chosen not to put publicize themselves directly during the press tour for the film. Because they don't live in the public eye, it's hard to say what, exactly, Seal's widow and children are up to right now. Whatever it is, though, you can be sure it probably isn't half as crazy as the legend of Barry Seal.


Family of murdered drug smuggler sue Universal over Tom Cruise film Mena

Family members of a former drug runner turned DEA informant who was murdered by hitmen working for Colombia’s Medellín cartel are suing Universal Studios over a forthcoming film, which will star Tom Cruise in the lead role, according to the Louisiana Advocate.

Cruise will play Louisiana-born smuggler Adler B Seal, known as Barry, in the biopic Mena, set in the 1980s and directed by Doug Liman, who also directed the star in Edge of Tomorrow.

Seal was a Medellín pilot who operated out of Mena, Arkansas, between 1976 and 1984, transporting cannabis, cocaine and later quaaludes from South America to the US. He was arrested in 1984 and began working for the US Drug Enforcement Administration to avoid jail time. Seal was shot dead in 1986 at a safe house in Baton Rouge, Louisiana, by Colombian hitmen working for the cartel.

According to Seal’s daughter Lisa Seal Frigon, Universal Studios signed a $350,000 “life rights” deal with the incorrect family members before starting production. Frigon has filed a lawsuit in Baton Rouge demanding an injunction on the film’s planned 2017 release, and claims in her suit that she is the legal executor of Seal’s estate as a daughter from his first marriage. Frigon says Universal signed a deal with her father’s third wife, Debbie Seal, and three children from that marriage, instead, and that no money from that contract has found its way to Seal’s estate.

The suit also claims the film’s screenplay by Gary Spinelli, which was bought by Universal last year following a bidding war, “contains many factual inaccuracies and thus falsely portrays” Seal and “diminishes the value of his estate”. Among the alleged inaccuracies are the suggestion in the script that Seal fathered three children, rather than five, and that he was an alcoholic and a reckless pilot.

Debbie Seal and her three children, Aaron, Dean and Christina, are also named in the suit. Universal has not yet commented on the legal action.

Last month, members of the film’s crew died in a plane crash in the Colombian Andes. Los Angeles-based film pilot Alan Purwin and Colombian Carlos Berl were killed, and Georgia pilot Jimmy Lee Garland was seriously injured.

Mena will also star Brian Dennehy as Bill Clinton, Jesse Plemons, Sarah Wright, Jayma Mays and Lola Kirke.


What Did 'American Made' Leave Out About The Real Barry Seal?

This past weekend, American Made lost out on the top box office spot in a neck and neck race with It, missing first place by a scant $300,000. However, when comparing what happens in the “biopic” to the events that inspired the film, there’s a Grand Canyon-sized gap. Universal’s film may be billed as based on the life of smuggler and freelance CIA spy Barry Seal, but the film’s director, Doug Liman, is hesitant to label the picture as a biopic. Apparently, calling American Made a biopic is cinematic catfishing.

We all know that biographic films play it fast and loose with facts. It’s nearly impossible to take one person’s life and compress it into a two-hour film while including a riveting arc, compelling characters, and meaningful themes. Adapting the life of someone like Barry Seal is even more difficult because one tends to keep their covert work with drug lords and government agencies under wraps. American Made still keeps its WTF meter cranked all the way up. There are several scenes showing Barry partying like a rock star with his chum Pablo Escobar (which didn’t happen). And although the film never addresses rumors that Barry flew the getaway plane for JFK’s killers, that revelation wouldn’t feel out of line.

American Mades’s plot isn’t true, it’s truthy, and Liman will be the first to admit it. In a recent interview with Vulture Liman stated,

You know, we’re not making a biopic. Tom Cruise doesn’t look like Barry Seal. His character is inspired by the stories we learned about Barry, and a lot of times, stories like this, not only do journalists look at the veracity of the actual events portrayed, but also the personal aspects.

American Made is so wild and over-the-top it’s worth noting what’s real and what isn’t. If even 10% is true that still amounts to one hell of a story. The good people over at History vs Hollywood took the time to fact-check some of American Made’s artistic liberties. Major spoilers below.

Monty Schafer:

In the film, Barry’s dealings with the CIA all go through a shady point-man named Monty Schafer (played by Domhnall Gleeson). Schafer recruits Barry and is quick to disavow him when things go south.
Schafer never existed. The character is an amalgamation of the numerous CIA contacts Barry dealt with.

Suburban crash landing:

One of the film’s set pieces sees Barry, pursued by the DEA, crash-land his plane in a residential neighborhood. Watching a frantic Barry emerge from the wreckage, covered in cocaine, with the DEA hot on his tail is so insane that it must be true. Right?
Nope! There’s no evidence to support this incident ever took place.

Barry the family man:

A good portion of the film is dedicated to Barry’s home life and his relationship with his wife Lucy (played by Sarah Wright) and three children.
The real Barry Seal was married three times and had five children. And while his movie wife was aware of Barry’s illegal activities, his real wife insists she was kept in the dark about her husband’s shady dealings.

Barry Seal’s blown cover:

In the film’s most pivotal moment, the Reagan administration outs Barry as a snitch on national television, marking him as a target for the cartel. Barry’s outing is the film’s most chilling moment and it’s shocking that his handlers would recklessly out the identity of their own asset.
It was a 1984 front-page Washington Times article by Edmond Jacoby that circuitously exposed Barry.

Whether we’re watching giant robots punch each other in the face or a drug smuggler’s life story, walking into movie theaters is like signing an agreement to suspend our disbelief. Movies based on real life must take liberties with the truth in service of entertainment. But at a time when people are arguing over what constitutes a fact, I’m not sure how I feel about American Made grossly misrepresenting the origins of America’s cocaine epidemic. At least Liman is telling anyone within earshot not to take his film literally. In an interview with Time, Liman referred to American Made as, “A fun lie based on a true story.”

At least Cruise did all the flying himself.


Everything To Know Deborah Dubois

1. Her Marriage To The Former Drug Smuggler, Barry Seal

Barry Seal met Deborah Dubois while he was going to a hearing after he was arrested in 1972, attempting to smuggle military explosives out of the country supposedly to anti-Castro Cuban fighters. He stopped by the restaurant where the then 21-year-old was working as a cashier and according to Deborah Dubois, he asked her out just like that. He impressed her with wild stories about the missions he had flown and by 1974, she became his third wife, the first two being Lynn Ross whom Barry married for eight years from 1963 to 1971 and Barbara Dodson from 1971 to 1972.

Deborah DuBois, her husband Barry Seal and their kids: Image Source

Deborah’s marriage to Barry Seal went on fine until his untimely death which brought their union to an end in 1986.

2. She Has Three Children

Within the time she was married to the late former smuggler, Deborah Dubois had three children with him named Dean, Aaron, and Christina Seal. Her three kids make up the five children fathered by her late husband who had two children – Lisa and Alder with his first wife.

3. Did She Know About Barry’s Drug Business?

Barry, a native of Baton Rouge, Louisiana, is considered to be probably the most successful smuggler of his time having smuggled not less than 50 loads of cocaine into the US and making $1 million for each trip. However, his wife, Deborah Dubois insists that she never knew about her husband’s shady deals.

According to her, she thought he was an airplane broker as that he was also involved in renting out old anti-aircraft lighting for different promotional events. Deborah also said that she trusted her husband so much and that was why she never asked questions coupled with the fact that she never saw him with drugs.

4. Deborah Dubois’ Life After Barry’s Death

After Barry’s murder, Deborah fell upon hard times due to the fact that the government seized her husband’s property and estate sequel to his arrests for drug trafficking and illegal activities. Speaking to The Daily Mail, Deborah Dubois said that she and her kids were left to survive on Barry Seal’s life insurance. She noted that Barry was holding out on her if he truly made the millions of dollars they said he made.

5. Legal Case

The story of Barry Seal has since been made into films such as Doublecrossed (1991), Infiltrator (2016) and American Made (2017). The last movie was produced by Imagine Entertainment under Universal Pictures and was made after the company purchased Barry’s life rights from Deborah at the cost of $350,000.

However, this resulted in a court case as Lisa Seal Frigon, Barry’s oldest daughter by his first wife, who now administers her father’s estate, claimed in a lawsuit filed in the 19th Judicial District Court that Deborah Dubois and her three children, sold Barry Seal’s life story rights to the movie company without the approval of either the court or the estate.

In addition, the suit filed and assigned to state District Judge Don Johnson also claimed that none of the proceeds from the agreement was sent to the estate and that some facts in the movie script were inaccurate. For instance, Barry had five children in reality but the movie only captured his three kids with Deborah. Lisa also contended that the movie script falsely portrays her father as a drunk and reckless pilot, among other things, thus damaging the commercial value of his person and diminishing the value of his estate.


Details of his Wife and Children

Seal with third wife Deborah DuBois, and children image source

Barry Seal married three times. He first married Lynn Ross in 1963, the union ended in divorce 1971. The same year, he married Barbara Dodson, the union barely made to to the second year before it ended in 1972. His third marriage was to Deborah DuBois in 1973 whom he was with till his untimely death.

He had five children, from two of his wives. With Lynn Rose, he had two kids, Lisa and Alder, while the other three kids Dean, Aaron and Christina Seal were birthed by Deborah Dubois. After his arrest, his properties were all foreclosed by the government, thus his family was left with little to nothing.


The Real Drug Lords: A Brief History Of CIA Involvement With Drug Trafficking

In the beginning, CIA arms, money, and disinformation enabled Corsican criminal syndicates in Marseille to wrestle control of labor unions from the Communist Party.

The Corsicans gained political influence and control over the docks — ideal conditions for cementing a long-term partnership with mafia drug distributors, which turned Marseille into the postwar heroin capital of the Western world. Marseille’s first heroin laboratones were opened in 1951, only months after the Corsicans took over the waterfront.

EARLY 1950s, SOUTHEAST ASIA

The Nationalist Chinese army, organized by the CIA to wage war against Communist China, became the opium barons of The Golden Triangle (parts of Burma, Thailand and Laos), the world’s largest source of opium and heroin. Air America, the CIA’s principal airline proprietary, flew the drugs all over Southeast Asia. (See Christopher Robbins, Air America, Avon Books, 1985, chapter 9)

1950s to early 1970s, INDOCHINA

During U.S. military involvement in Laos and other parts of Indochina, Air America flew opium and heroin throughout the area. Many GI’s in Vietnam became addicts. A laboratory built at CIA headquarters in northern Laos was used to refine heroin. After a decade of American military intervention, Southeast Asia had become the source of 70 percent of the world’s illicit opium and the major supplier of raw materials for America’s booming heroin market.

1973-80, AUSTRALIA

The Nugan Hand Bank of Sydney was a CIA bank in all but name. Among its officers were a network of US generals, admirals and CIA men, including former CIA Director William Colby, who was also one of its lawyers. With branches in Saudi Arabia, Europe, Southeast Asia, South America and the U.S., Nugan Hand Bank financed drug trafficking, money laundering and international arms dealings. In 1980, amidst several mysterious deaths, the bank collapsed, $50 million in debt. (See Jonathan Kwitny, The Crimes of Patriots: A True Tale of Dope, Dirty Money and the CIA, W.W. Norton & Co., 1 987.)

1970s and 1980s, PANAMA

For more than a decade, Panamanian strongman Manuel Noriega was a highly paid CIA asset and collaborator, despite knowledge by U.S. drug authorities as early as 1971 that the general was heavily involved in drug trafficking and money laundering. Noriega facilitated ”guns-for-drugs” flights for the contras, providing protection and pilots, as well as safe havens for drug cartel officials, and discreet banking facilities. U.S. officials, including then-CIA Director William Webster and several DEA officers, sent Noriega letters of praise for efforts to thwart drug trafficking (albeit only against competitors of his Medellin Cartel patrons). The U.S. government only turned against Noriega, invading Panama in December 1989 and kidnapping the general once they discovered he was providing intelligence and services to the Cubans and Sandinistas. Ironically drug trafficking through Panama increased after the US invasion. (John Dinges, Our Man in Panama, Random House, 1991 National Security Archive Documentation Packet The Contras, Cocaine, and Covert Operations.)

1980s, CENTRAL AMERICA

The San Jose Mercury News series written by Gary Webb, documents just one thread of the interwoven operations linking the CIA, the contras and the cocaine cartels. Obsessed with overthrowing the leftist Sandinista government in Nicaragua, Reagan administration officials tolerated drug trafficking as long as the traffickers gave support to the contras. In 1989, the Senate Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics, and International Operations (the Kerry committee) concluded a three-year investigation by stating:

“There was substantial evidence of drug smuggling through the war zones on the part of individual Contras, Contra suppliers, Contra pilots mercenaries who worked with the Contras, and Contra supporters throughout the region…. U.S. officials involved in Central America failed to address the drug issue for fear of jeopardizing the war efforts against Nicaragua…. In each case, one or another agency of the U.S. government had intormation regarding the involvement either while it was occurring, or immediately thereafter…. Senior U S policy makers were not immune to the idea that drug money was a perfect solution to the Contras’ funding problems.” (Drugs, Law Enforcement and Foreign Policy, a Report of the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics and Intemational Operations, 1989)

In Costa Rica, which served as the “Southern Front” for the contras (Honduras being the Northern Front), there were several different CIA-contra networks involved in drug trafficking. In addition to those servicing the Meneses-Blandon operation detailed by the Mercury News, and Noriega’s operation, there was CIA operative John Hull, whose farms along Costa Rica’s border with Nicaragua were the main staging area for the contras. Hull and other CIA-connected contra supporters and pilots teamed up with George Morales, a major Miami-based Colombian drug trafficker who later admitted to giving $3 million in cash and several planes to contra leaders. In 1989, after the Costa Rica government indicted Hull for drug trafficking, a DEA-hired plane clandestinely and illegally flew the CIA operative to Miami, via Haiti. The US repeatedly thwarted Costa Rican efforts to extradite Hull back to Costa Rica to stand trial. Another Costa Rican-based drug ring involved a group of Cuban Americans whom the CIA had hired as military trainers for the contras. Many had long been involved with the CIA and drug trafficking They used contra planes and a Costa Rican-based shrimp company, which laundered money for the CIA, to move cocaine to the U.S. Costa Rica was not the only route. Guatemala, whose military intelligence service — closely associated with the CIA — harbored many drug traffickers, according to the DEA, was another way station along the cocaine highway.

Additionally, the Medellin Cartel’s Miami accountant, Ramon Milian Rodriguez, testified that he funneled nearly $10 million to Nicaraguan contras through long-time CIA operative Felix Rodriguez, who was based at Ilopango Air Force Base in El Salvador. The contras provided both protection and infrastructure (planes, pilots, airstrips, warehouses, front companies and banks) to these CIA-linked drug networks. At least four transport companies under investigation for drug trafficking received US government contracts to carry non-lethal supplies to the contras. Southern Air Transport, “formerly” CIA-owned, and later under Pentagon contract, was involved in the drug running as well. Cocaine-laden planes flew to Florida, Texas, Louisiana and other locations, including several military bases Designated as ‘Contra Craft,” these shipments were not to be inspected. When some authority wasn’t clued in and made an arrest, powerful strings were pulled on behalf of dropping the case, acquittal, reduced sentence, or deportation.

In 1979 the Sandanistas overthrew Nicaraguan dictator Anastasio Debayle. Fearing the creation of a Communist state allied with Cuba and the Soviet Union, the U.S government und er Ronald Reagan, began funding and arming groups of rebels opposed to the Sandanistas known as the Counterrevolutionaries, or Contras. This is all easily obtainable information. Webb’s “Dark Alliance” series, appeared in the Mercury News in 1996. The series examined the origins of the crack cocaine trade in Los Angeles and claimed that members of the anti-communist Contra rebels in Nicaragua had played a major role in creating the trade, using cocaine profits to support their struggle. It also suggested that the Contras may have acted with the knowledge and protection of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). Webb was following the trial of a Contra leader named Oscar Danilo Blandon Reyes who testified as to the C.I.A’s involvement in cocaine trafficking into Inner city Los Angeles in the 1980’s.

The lead of the first article set out the series’ basic claims: “For the better part of a decade, a San Francisco Bay Area drug ring sold tons of cocaine to the Crips and Bloods street gangs of Los Angeles and funneled millions in drug profits to a Latin American guerrilla army run by the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency.” This drug ring “opened the first pipeline between Colombia’s cocaine cartels and the black neighborhoods of Los Angeles” and, as a result, “The cocaine that flooded in helped spark a crack explosion in urban America.”

To show this, the series focused on three men: Ricky Ross, Oscar Danilo Blandón, and Norwin Meneses. Ross was a major drug dealer in Los Angeles. Blandón and Meneses were Nicaraguans who smuggled drugs into the U.S. and supplied dealers like Ross. After introducing the three, the first article discussed primarily Blandón and Meneses, and their relationship with the Contras and the CIA. Much of the article highlighted the failure of law enforcement agencies to successfully prosecute them and suggested that this was largely due to their Contra and CIA connections.

The second article described Blandón’s background and how he began smuggling cocaine to support the Contras. Meneses, an established smuggler and a Contra supporter as well, taught Blandón how to smuggle and provided him with cocaine. When Ross discovered the market for crack in Los Angeles, he began buying cocaine from Blandón. Blandón and Meneses’ high-volume supply of low-priced cocaine “allowed Ross to sew up the Los Angeles market and move on. In city after city, local dealers either bought from Ross or got left behind.”

The third article discussed the social effects of the crack trade, noting that it had a disparate effect on African-Americans. Asking why crack became so prevalent in the black community of Los Angeles, the article credited Blandón, referring to him as “the Johnny Appleseed of crack in California.” It also found disparities in the treatment of black and white traffickers in the justice system, contrasting the treatment of Blandón and Ross after their arrests for drug trafficking. Because Blandón cooperated with the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA), he spent only 28 months in prison, became a paid government informer, and received permanent resident status. Ross was also released early after cooperating in an investigation of police corruption, but was rearrested a few months later in a sting operation arranged with the help of Blandón. The article suggested this was in retribution for Ross’ testimony in the corruption case.

There’s a movie coming out this year staring Tom Cruise called “Mena” about a pilot named Barry Seal who was a known DEA informant responsible for flying TONS of coke into the U.S working with the Sandanistas and Medellin cartel from Columbia, I.E the Ochoa brothers, Pablo Escobar, etc… This rabbit hole can lead you all the way to George H.W Bush, who oversaw the Federal Drug Task Force commissioned by Reagan to Bill Clinton who was Governor of Arkansas at the time where Mena (population roughly 5,000 people) is located in a quiet, mountainous region of western Arkansas. Clinton brought in C.I.A front companies by awarding them state-backed low interest loans to relocate to Arkansas. One of the businesses that relocated there was Rich Mountain Aviation Inc.that did illegal modifications to the planes which allowed Seal to fly weapons to Nicaragua and transport cocaine back into the United States. Barry Seal was indicted several times in 3 different states and protected from prosecution by the U.S Attorney General’s office and the D.E.A. He was murdered in 1986 after he started openly bragging about being a C.I.A operative.

1980s to early 1990s, AFGHANISTAN

ClA-supported Moujahedeen rebels engaged heavily in drug trafficking while fighting against the Soviet-supported govemment and its plans to reform the very backward Afghan society. The Agency’s principal client was Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, one of the leading druglords and leading heroin refiner. CIA supplied trucks and mules, which had carried arms into Afghanistan, were used to transport opium to laboratories along the Afghan Pakistan border. The output provided up to one half of the heroin used annually in the United States and three-quarters of that used in Western Europe. US officials admitted in 1990 that they had failed to investigate or take action against the drug operation because of a desire not to offend their Pakistani and Afghan allies. In 1993, an official of the DEA called Afghanistan the new Colombia of the drug world.

MlD-1980s to early 199Os, HAITI

While working to keep key Haitian military and political leaders in power, the CIA turned a blind eye to their clients’ drug trafficking. In 1986, the Agency added some more names to its payroll by creating a new Haitian organization, the National Intelligence Service (SIN). SIN was purportedly created to fight the cocaine trade, though SIN officers themselves engaged in the trafficking, a trade aided and abetted by some of the Haitian military and political leaders.

The heroin epidemic resembles the days when “Crack cocaine” became the major drug that destroyed communities across the United States and other parts of the world including the Caribbean that began in the early 1980’s. The Crack epidemic coincidently began around the same time when the Iran-Contra Scandal was being exposed. U.S. cities such as Los Angeles, Miami and New York City experienced a rise in crime and disease. The Center for Disease Control (CDC) reported back in 2015 that “heroin use in the United States increased 63% from 2002 through 2013.” Fast forward to 2016, heroin is sweeping across the United States at unprecedented levels.

According to an NBC affiliate reported that state officials were set to declare a “public health emergency” in New Haven, Connecticut over the rise of heroin use which has resulted in two deaths:

Officials in New Haven on Friday were set to address a public health emergency declaration brought on by a rash of heroin overdoses in the city beginning Thursday. New Haven police said emergency responders saw at least 15 overdoses since Thursday afternoon, and possibly up to 22. At least two people have died. The city is warning residents that there is a batch of tainted, life-threatening heroin on the streets.

In the suburbs of Long Island, NY, heroin use is an increasing problem. According to www.suburbanheroin.com a website devoted to the heroin epidemic on Long Island states that in 2012 – 2013 more than 242 people died from heroin use. Long Island is home to some of the wealthiest communities in New York State which goes to show that heroin is affecting all neighborhoods rich and poor. The NBC news report said that the CDC admitted that heroin has become an epidemic since 2002

“The CDC reports that between 2002 and 2014 the rate of heroin-related overdose deaths more than quadrupled and more than 10,500 died nationwide in 2014.”

Now the question is why heroin use has dramatically increased since 2002? Maybe the U.S. invasion of Afghanistan in October 2001 after the September 11th attacks under the Bush regime had something to do with it? The main-stream media (MSM) establishment mouthpiece The Washington Post admitted in 2006 that heroin production in Afghanistan “broke all records” while under U.S. occupation:

Opium production in Afghanistan, which provides more than 90 percent of the world’s heroin, broke all records in 2006, reaching a historic high despite ongoing U.S.-sponsored eradication efforts, the Bush administration reported yesterday.

In addition to a 26 percent production increase over past year — for a total of 5,644 metric tons — the amount of land under cultivation in opium poppies grew by 61 percent. Cultivation in the two main production provinces, Helmand in the southwest and Oruzgan in central Afghanistan, was up by 132 percent

Washington claims that Mexico is the source of the heroin that is flooding U.S. streets “with 10,500 hectares under poppy cultivation in 2012” while Afghanistan had “224,000 hectares” according to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) in a 2014 report but the numbers tell a different story. Mexico’s heroin trade is small in comparison although it has been increasing its production capabilities.

However, not only heroin from Afghanistan is the major source for U.S. citizens, “BigPharma”, or the ‘corporate drug dealers’ who sell “legal drugs” also have a hand in the epidemic because they produce and sell ‘Opioids’ such asOxyContin and Percocet which is similar to heroin. Opioid medications are normally used as painkillers for broken bones, lacerations or post-surgery pain. However, abusing Opioids can also lead to heroin use.

The online news source The Huffington Post published an article titled ‘Ron Paul Had Accurate Conspiracy Theory: CIA Was Tied To Drug Traffickers’ highlights what the former Libertarian Presidential nominee Dr. Ron Paul said on the involvement of the CIA in the drug trade which was not a “Conspiracy Theory” but a fact when taking into consideration the Iran-Contra Scandal:

Drug trafficking is “a gold mine for people who want to raise money in the underground government in order to finance projects that they can’t get legitimately. It is very clear that the CIA has been very much involved with drug dealings,” Paul said. “The CIA was very much involved in the Iran-Contra scandals. I’m not making up the stories we saw it on television. They were hauling down weapons and drugs back. And the CIA and government officials were closing their eyes, fighting a war that was technically illegal.”

The Taliban banned the production of opium in 2000. The War in Afghanistan was mainly about producing opium which did end up in the streets of Iran, Russia and China. According to a Pravda report in 2015 by William Edstrom titled ‘Heroin Dealer in Chief. Afghanistan, Source of 90% of The World’s Heroin’ stated the impact of Afghanistan’s opium production on neighboring countries:

Afghanistan, source of 90% of Earth’s heroin, ended 90% of Earth’s heroin problems when Taliban outlawed opium in 2000. The reason for War in Afghanistan was because Taliban outlawed opium growing which ended economic wars (opium wars) against Iran, Russia and China

The heroin epidemic is now affecting cities and towns across the U.S. Edstrom estimates that 165,000 American’s will die from the heroin epidemic in the next 10 years:

The War in Afghanistan began as an opium war against Iran, Russia and China, the tables are turning into an opium war against Americans on track to kill 165,000 Americans (2016-2026). Americans, 5% of Earth’s population, take 60% of painkillers on Earth

The death rate could go much higher considering the increasing level of poverty in the U.S. especially in the inner cities where the highest unemployment rates is among the 18-34 year olds. Many young adults will unfortunately turn to the drug trade whether they sell or use as hope fades for the lack of jobs or opportunities.

Fox News had a segment with Geraldo Rivera that shows how the U.S. government (in this case, the U.S. Marines) is involved in Afghanistan’s heroin production with Washington’s approval of course.

This article first appeared on PoliticalJunkieNewsMedia.com and was authored by Joe Bowman.

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Barry Seal, the CIA camp in Lacombe, & the JFK Assassination

It was in the sun-drenched Albuquerque study of one of America&rsquos most prominent historians&mdasha Guggenheim Fellow and a National Book Award winner&mdashthat I first heard what I later came to think of as &ldquoThe Question.&rdquo

Enroute from Los Angeles to New Orleans, where I would spend the next two years researching and writing a book about renowned CIA pilot-turned-infamous drug smuggler Barry Seal, I stopped to visit Dr. Roger Morris and Sally Denton, the writers who first brought serious national attention to the CIA operation in Mena, Arkansas led by Oliver North, and Barry Seal.

We were drinking cokes in the warm sun and exchanging tidbits of information each of us had gleaned about our common subject, when at one point Morris leaned forward.

&ldquoWhat have you heard,&rdquo he asked, &ldquoabout Barry Seal having flown a get-away plane out of Dallas after the Kennedy assassination?&rdquo

I stared at him blankly. I replied that I didn&rsquot know there had even been a get-away plane. And that was the end of it. The conversation quickly moved on. But the moment changed my life. In the two years of research which followed, I never forgot the question .

Months later, while collecting old news clippings in Barry&rsquos hometown of Baton Rouge, Louisiana, I struck up a conversation about Seal with the morgue librarian at the Baton Rouge Advocate. She had a kind of smoky whiskey voice you generally don&rsquot associate with librarians.

&ldquoIts another world, New Orleans&rdquo

&ldquoHell, she said, &ldquoa good 20 years. I&rsquove been remarried for ten.&rdquo

Later, after I heard a story about Barry Seal from John Odom, a friend and classmate of Seal&rsquos in high school, I began to realize that the rumor might be something more than that. While it wasn&rsquot common knowledge, in certain circles in Louisiana it is what is known as an &ldquoopen secret.&rdquo

Big shout out to Oliver Stone

Even if you&rsquore not a JFK assassination researcher&mdashand I wasn&rsquot&mdashyou know who Ferrie was. Everyone&rsquos seen Joe Pesci&rsquos brilliant portrayal of Ferrie in Oliver Stone&rsquos JFK. Many recall that Ferrie &ndash just forty-eight hours after Kennedy died&mdashwas brought in for questioning on suspicion that he had been involved in the assassination.

Odom watched them confer, he said, and saw Ferrie point to the 50-or-so wooden crates staged next to the tarmac.

On the way back to Baton Rouge, Barry Seal told him that he was working for Ferrie, who he said was &ldquoCIA.&rdquo (Ferrie&rsquos CIA link was confirmed by Victor Marchetti, former Deputy Assistant to Richard Helms, who testified that Helms disclosed, in executive discussions during the Garrison investigation, that Ferrie had in fact been employed by the CIA.)

&ldquoSeal said he making $400 a week flying &ldquoruns&rdquo of crates of weapons and ordinance for Ferrie,&rdquo said Odom. He asked me, How&rsquod you like to make that kind of money?&rdquo

Odom said he told Barry, &lsquoI&rsquoll think about it.&rsquo But they never discussed it again. Decades later, the incident remains puzzling to Odom. &ldquoOur dad made about $400 a month back then, and we weren&rsquot poor, but I was stunned and didn&rsquot know what to say.&rdquo

Translated into today&rsquos money, Barry Seal was making $2500 weekly&hellipon the weekends.

A piece of real history slipped through the cracks

Then a fortuitous happenstance brought me a photograph that spoke volumes about Barry Seal&rsquos career, and the people involved in the JFK assassination.

Seal left it to his wife, Debbie, now his widow. And despite the 7-man &ldquoclean-up crew&rdquo from the State Department that came down from Washington to her home and combed through all of Barry&rsquos records in early 1995, it is still in her possession. The photo, which she considered a keepsake, remained untouched in her safe.

The photo was in a cardboard frame of the kind used by nightclubs and tourist attractions, with the date it was taken, January 22,1963, stamped on the back. It was taken in the nightclub of the Aristos Hotel in Mexico City&rsquos Zona Rosa.

At the time the photo was taken, the CIA&rsquos covert action chief in Mexico City was David Atlee Phillips. Philips, AKA Maurice Bishop, reportedly met with Oswald in Dallas before the assassination.

The photo shows a group of ten men, wearing black suits and skinny ties, drinking around a table. They appear to be a mixed group of Cuban exiles, Italian wise guys, and square-jawed military intelligence types.

Identifying the men in the photo took months. And when I had, I realized that it is the only extant photograph of the members of the CIA&rsquos super-secret assassination squad known as &ldquoOperation Forty.&rdquo

A young (24-year old) Barry Seal is seated third from left. Seated to Seal&rsquos right is former CIA chief Porter Goss. Front left, beside Goss, is the notorious Cuban &ldquofreedom fighter&rdquo Felix Rodriguez. Rodriguez, a vice cop under the corrupt Mob-run Batista regime in Cuba, later became an Iran Contra operative and a confidant of the first George Bush.

Felix Rodriguez has long been known to be one of the CIA&rsquos most vicious assassins. According to law enforcement authorities, he keeps Che Guevara&rsquos hands in a jar atop his dresser.

On the other side of the table, the only celebrant displaying any regard for tradecraft is covering his face with his sport coat. However, his swept-back &ldquoBig Wave in Hawaii&rdquo pompadour made him fairly easily identifiable as Frank Sturgis. Sturgis has often been mentioned in connection with the JFK assassination.

Sturgis will later become famous as one of the Watergate burglars.Beside him, f ront right, is a man well-known among Kennedy assassination researchers. William Seymour was the New Orleans representative of the Double-Chek Corporation, a CIA front used to recruit pilots (like Seal). Researchers identify Seymour as the man said to have impersonated Lee Harvey Oswald, while Oswald was out of the country.

It is certainly a well-connected group. Just the fact that the man who will become the biggest drug smuggler in American history had been consorting back in 1963 with a man whose job was recruiting pilots for the CIA makes allegations of CIA involvement in the drug trade far more than just another conspiracy theory.

So, if there had been a get-away plane flown out of Dallas after the Kennedy assassination&mdashand assuming there had been an authentic investigation into the assassination, which there was not&mdashBarry Seal would have been high on the list when authorities told the police to call in the &ldquousual suspects.&rdquo

But that puts the cart somewhat in front of the horse. Is there evidence that there was a get-away plane? The answer is yes.

Three men in suits at Redbird Airport

At about 1:00 P.M. that same afternoon, half an hour after the president was shot, neighbors who lived along the road that runs by the Redbird Airport, about 10 miles southwest of downtown Dallas, began calling the police. A small private plane, they reported, was behaving very strangely.

For an hour it had been revving its engines, not on the runway, as per usual, but parked at the end of the airstrip on a grassy area next to the fence. The noise was so loud it prevented nearby residents, glued to their TVs for the news about the terrible event downtown, from hearing.

The police, perhaps understandably, were too busy to check it out. The question became moot when shortly thereafter the plane took off.

An FBI file of March 10, 1967, describes statements made by Louis Gaudin, the government&rsquos air traffic control specialist at Redbird airport, who recalled observing three men in business suits board a Comanche-type aircraft at about 2:00 P.M.

Thirty-seven years later, I tracked down Louis Gaudin in retirement in the tiny town of Long Branch, Texas. &ldquoI filed that report in &rsquo67 for only one reason,&rdquo Gaudin told me. &ldquoSometime in 1967 I received a visit from an Assistant District Attorney in (New Orleans District Attorney) Jim Garrison&rsquos office.&rdquo

&ldquoHe showed me pictures of four possible pilots involved in the incident that day. One was a weird-looking character with a funny-looking wig. Then, shortly thereafter I saw on the news that David Ferrie had committed suicide, said Gaudin.

&ldquoThat&rsquos when I smelled a rat.&rdquo

Redbird Airport (today Dallas Executive Airport) is a small airfield between Dallas and Fort Worth. But it wasn&rsquot just any old airport.

&ldquoThe FAA had its general aviation headquarters there, said Gaudin. &ldquoHoward Hughes had a huge old WWII hanger there, with heavy security. People from Wackenhut all over the place. And there were the Porter planes from General Harry Byrd&rsquos outfit.&rdquo

General D. Harry Byrd&rsquos links to the Kennedy assassination begin with the fact that he owned the building, the Texas School Book Depository, from which Kennedy was supposedly gunned down.

Then, too, he founded an aircraft company that became one of the largest U.S. defense contractors during the Vietnam War, Ling-Temco-Vought (LTV), which also&mdashand perhaps not coincidentally?&mdashtested missiles at the Venice Airport in the late 1950&rsquos and early 1960&rsquos.

&ldquoWhat had happened was this,&rdquo he continued. &ldquoI was an air traffic controller working in the tower at Redbird that day. When I came on shift at 2 PM, we received a bulletin to report any suspicious activity immediately to an FAA Security number. And we kept calling that number all afternoon, but got nothing but a busy signal. And then, after we heard they had caught the &lsquolone gunman,&rsquo I guess they called it, we stopped calling, and let the matter drop.&rdquo

From his perch atop the control tower, Mr. Gaudin, between handling twenty or thirty flights into and out of the airport an hour, had noticed something suspicious about three well-dressed men in business suits standing, along with several suitcase, beside a Comanche painted green-and-white.

So suspicious was he, Mr. Gaudin related, that when the plane took off on runway 17, he asked the pilot if he needed any assistance. The pilot said no. Gaudin asked which way the plane was heading. The pilot stated south.

Gaudin watched as the plane flew south for two miles, then made a hard left, and then flew north to Love Field.

Suspicions aroused, Gaudin went over to the control tower&rsquos receiver and listened as the plane made an approach and landed at Love Field, eight miles north of Redbird.

An hour later, the plane was back at Redbird. This time only two people were aboard. The third passenger&mdashlet&rsquos call him the shooter&ndashhad been left at Love Field.

James Garrison, American hero

And that&rsquos where the matter rested until Garrison&rsquos investigator&rsquos came calling.

Then, after Gaudin became alarmed at the death of a man whose picture he had just recently been shown, he called the FBI, and filed the report which, he said, became something of a burden to him for the rest of his life.

&ldquoThere was no Freedom of Information Act back then,&rdquo he says today. &ldquoThat&rsquos what&rsquos created some problems for me.&rdquo

This would be just a &lsquosuspicious sighting&rsquo except for something that happened later, which clearly indicated to Gaudin that he was a witness to something he had no business seeing.

From the control tower, he says, he was too far away to be able to identify anyone who boarded the plane. But there was one person who could: Merrit Goble, who ran the fixed-wing operation, TexAir, at Redbird Field.

&ldquoMerrit and I were friends,&rdquo Gaudin relates. &ldquoSo one day, after filing the FBI report, I went down to see if the FBI had been by to visit him as well. They hadn&rsquot, he told me. So I asked him if he had anything, any gas receipts, any record of the fueling of the plane in question. And Merit acted very strangely. He told me, in effect, that it was none of my business. He said, &lsquoI will only answer questions from a bonafide law enforcement authority.&rsquo&rdquo

&ldquoI always thought that was strange: &lsquoI will only answer questions from a bonafide law enforcement authority.&rsquo Because like I said, we were friends.&rdquo

Merrit Goble died last year, taking any secrets he possessed about the suspicious plane to his grave.

Means, Motive, Opportunity

Was Barry Seal at the controls of the plane that took off from Redbird Airport on November 22 1963? We&rsquoll never know for sure. But lacking an eyewitness willing to come forward and enough of a survivalist to live to tell his tale, we base a &ldquoyes&rdquo answer on his association with&mdashand proximity to&mdashthe major players whose names get bandied about in connection with the assassination.

The central thesis of most writers on the assassination is that the Kennedy assassination was the work of the Mafia, elements of the CIA, and right-wing Cuban exiles aligned with Guy Banister, Clay Shaw, and David Ferrie, all of whom were CIA-connected. Not to mention Lee Oswald, who had formed an alliance with the U.S. intelligence community as a young man in the Civil Air Patrol with David Ferrie.

He was a known associate of the &lsquousual suspects&rsquo: David Ferrie, Carlos Marcello, Guy Banister, and Grady Partin. He was a gunrunner to Cuba, and a veteran of the Bay of Pigs. And his participation in Operation 40, the CIA&rsquos assassination squad, the blackest of black ops, as attested by the photo taken in Mexico in January 1963.

About one longtime associate of Banister and Ferrie (Murray Kessler) who was busted with Barry in 1972, one DEA agent said, &ldquoHe (Kessler) had a lot of familiarity with that group of &lsquoyahoos&rsquo in New Orleans that&rsquos how I figure he met Barry, who was known to have been involved with Guy Banister and Ferrie back then too.&rdquo

Moreover, Barry Seal was a spectacular pilot, one of the best alive.

I believe Seal flew that &lsquogetaway&rsquo plane out of Dallas and that during his often-acrimonious dealings with his superiors, his participation in the JFK hit remained his &lsquoace in the hole&rsquo for the rest of his life.

But where did the shooters come from? I&rsquoll take that up tomorrow, in &ldquoThe Camp in Lacombe.&rdquo As far as I know, I&rsquom the only investigator in recent times who was able to locate&mdashand visit&mdashthe site of the CIA&rsquos secret camp for assassins in Lacombe, Louisiana.

What do the 9/11 attack and the Kennedy assassination cover-ups have in common?

Mis-direction. On 9/11, New York City was where most of the killing took place. It took maybe an hour. In Venice, Florida, where the key conspirators got together, they spent more than a year. Yet there&rsquos been endless talk&mdashleading absolutely nowhere&mdashabout thermite, about holograms, about Building 7. And its all hooey, or, to use the technical term, disinformation.

Why I&rsquom so sure is because I was the only investigative reporter at the biggest 9/11 crime scene&mdashVenice&mdashthat wasn&rsquot reduced to rubble. And I was continually made aware that I didn&rsquot belong&mdashand wasn&rsquot wanted&mdashthere.

The Kennedy assassination set the pattern. Debating the minutiae of Dallas&mdashthe &lsquomagic bullet theory,&rsquo the changing parade route, the standing down of military intelligence, and dozens of other unexplained anomalies&mdashhas proven only that a conspiracy had indeed taken place.

But it was never going to put anyone in jail. Because the conspiracy was elsewhere. In New Orleans, Chicago, Miami, on No Name Key, and. most especially, in Lacombe, Louisiana, where the CIA kept a secret camp which trained assassins.

Moreover the conspirators were pros. The Kennedy assassination was their calling card. Unlike the &ldquobig find&rdquo about the identity of the second shooter which one prominent author is currently using to flog his book &mdashwho was told by a friend of a friend of a guy who had it on good authority that so-and-so, who&rsquos now, regrettably, dead, was in on the hit&mdash t hey didn&rsquot disappear from history after November 23, 1963.

For the next several decades, the people who killed JFK made history. In Laos, and Cambodia, at the Watergate complex, and in the drug trafficking scandal that was mis-named Iran Contra.

They were people like Barry Seal.

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30 COMMENTS

[&hellip] Barry Seal, the CIA camp in Lacombe, & the JFK Assassination [&hellip]

Barry Seal&rsquos apparent piloting of a JFK assassin getaway plane points, again, to Bush Sr. and his cronies (the Biderman part of the DuPont family, Rockefellers, and more). For example, DuPont owned United Fruit company was all over the Bay of Pigs a(nd mafia laundering of money through Lansky&rsquos Miami National Bank to Switzerland.. Many of the mob gofers in the JFK assassination were close to DuPonts&rsquo United Fruit company. In 1963, Tampa based Santos Trafficante was the worst heroin strongman In places where Seal circulated, except for Bush Sr., Bush Sr, as readers know, was an actual psychopath who had been designated for a big narco role for two reasons: unfailing loyalty to DuPonts and Rockefellers (see Dr. Sue Arrigo&rsquos CIA &ldquochild sex slave&rdquo account of David Rockefeller&rsquos role in narco monies via Chase, fined for hundreds of millions of laundering during Reagan&rsquos term). Bush Sr. also had Zapata drilling rigs in the Gulf, which are thought to have been a &ldquoclean&rdquo shipment point into the US, back then. Bush Sr. and Herbert Liedtke. also bought part of Pennzoil Corp. from Rockefellers. We clearly see the outlines of United Fruit complicity: JFK had ousted CIA head Allen Dulles after the Bay of Pigs, yet we see that sneering, see-what-happens-to-you leer on Dulles&rsquo face as he&rsquos driven to his last official meeting with Kennedy and the new CIA chief, McCone, in an open air limo.

And Dulles was DuPont&rsquos pet monster when Dulles, then head of Guatemala&rsquos branch of (DuPont-owned) United Fruit, probably oversaw creation of the first CIA ops death squads in Guatemala in 1953 before the Arbenz coup there. Don&rsquot forget Col. Fletcher Prouty&rsquos story about how (Dulles protégé) Air Force/CIA general Ed Lansdale, who specialized in CIA shooter teams, is seen in photos up close and inspecting the &ldquohobo&rdquo suspects as they were frog-marched through Dealey Plaza 1 1/2 hours after the JFK assassination. Bush Sr. is also apparently in a photo there, intently inspecting the flow of personnae. Yes, Bush was in Dallas that day, although he pretends not to remember where he was when JFK was shot!). So, DuPont fingerprints all over Dulles and the JFK assassination. At the time, DuPonts owned the major shares of GM, DuPont, Boeing, Phillips petroleum, Coca Cola, Remington Arms, United Fruit, and more. They essentially owned people in CIA like Dulles, hence DuPonts could easily have primarily originated the plan to shoot JFK, using Bush Sr. (a second tier gofer compared to DuPonts and Rockefellers). LBJ was merely one official possibly in on the murder (some say certainly, given re-appointment of Dulles to be on the Warren Commission). He wasn&rsquot the prime mover.

DuPonts, Bush Sr., and cronies are familiar, usually mousy and unformed personae, cowardly, schlumpy rich boys, who reappear in Watergate and more. Karl Rove is one of their (allegedly election stealing) gutless, mousier-than-a-mouse operatives. We know who they are: the enemy of the people. Who wouldn&rsquot grab a pitchfork to surround and ___them? As Daniel reported, even Laurance Rockefeller, that David Rockefeller brother whose photo processing company, Massachussetts based Aitek, reportedly helped to remove a few frames from the Zapruder film before it was seen publicly. Laurence was the Rockefeller brother who sponsored a (weak, intentionally diluted) attempt to do a report about official info on ufos circa Clinton&rsquos term in office.. Why were Rockefellers acting as killer mafia moneymen (in on black budget secrecy) while also pretending to want to expose government secrets in such a vein? For most readers, that&rsquos a mere parallel irony, but for me it&rsquos clear, patterned indication of something worse. .

Do you see a pattern in Seal, Bush Sr. and Duponts/Rockefellers doings re JFK? The point being, when Seal was getting paid unusually large amounts to pilot planes on mob and CIA related flights in 1963, you can almost be sure that Bush Sr, whose name and phone number were in Barry Seal&rsquos personal phone list when Seal was shot dead, was already either aware of or actually using pilot Barry Seal to move quantities of CIA related heroin. It didn&rsquot begin with Air America in Vietnam. It was already going and the profits were an open secret (you didn&rsquot have to be in the Skull and Bones/Russell Trust narco loop to know that, then).. J. Edgar was taking Marcello bribes (bags of cash) and trying to say, after the Appalachian conference of mob leaders, that there was no mafia.in the US. Bush Sr. certainly ran Seal and used the monies gained for criminal ops. So, how do we beat that?

Bush Sr. is now clearly senile, wheel-chaired and limping toward his death. He&rsquos over with. David Rockefeller is 97 and is simply NOT competent. Which leaves who, in control of the rackets? Jeb Bush is round-faced psychopath who sponsored now-dead ex-Cuban terrorist Orlando Bosch&rsquos stay in Florida to prevent extradition to Venezuela for bombing in a jetliner. But Jeb is a wimp who never served in high office, just a narco-route governorship. He isn&rsquot deep enough to manipulate federal government levers. So, with the last royally connected Rockefeller brother, David, now over with, and Bush Sr. no longer competent,. who runs those rackets? Privately, I suspect it has become a kind of naked singularity that&rsquos considered too obvious. It may be &ldquoguided&rdquo by Goldman and some lingering DuPonts, although DuPonts ate big shit when GM went bankrupt. No one will fear them with the same (mousy, gofer) awe that gutless cabal operatives once felt for them (all of those assholes in that Mexican restaurant photo were guless, compared to a real stout), What I&rsquom saying is that yes, the narco monies now flow, perhaps even into a Carlos Slim loan to the New York Times in 2009 and similar &ldquomainstream&rdquo shill accounts, but the real center of criminal power is now in flux. If we simply, cleanly end the Federal Reserve bank and end the CIA Act of 1949, which allows CIA-related crime families to use other government agencies&rsquo funds without respect to their intended use, we kill their power base.

Of course we must do that. It&rsquos a struggle for control of the human future. All informed nations know who the enemy is among us. Again, the enemy is weak now, and we must act more decisively to further hobble them at this point in human history. Any literate researcher sees the outlines of dozens of epic debacles, any one of which would cause a public uprising, a major re-casting of US government. But the answer isn&rsquot merely a taks for US citizens. The solution is in our ability to feel for and share such concerns with others across the globe regarding the threat among us.

Just got through again listening to Garrison&rsquos audiobook, On the, &ldquoTrail of the Assassin.&rdquo I&rsquom now 73 and had the good fortune to actually meet several of the characters from those days as I was &ldquoin&rdquo Special Operations&rdquo before any FM&rsquos were written so that other could follow. I&rsquove got to reread your story flow, but did you know that Oswald, Seal, and Ferrie were all photographed together while in the CAP? The first person I ever met was a Huge McDonald who wrote the, &ldquoHour of the Blue Fox&rdquo, and was the Lt on the Los Angeles Sheriffs&rsquo Department who brought the Hughes 500C Helios in to service. He actually met one of the shooters and was the first to mention that at least three shots were heard on the open mike of a Dallas police motorcycle cop. Tons more over a beer at the FVW hall..(chuckle). Slackman33, OUT. (909) 556-0309

I don&rsquot buy all of George&rsquos story below, but that&rsquos another matter. another book to read is Terry Reed&rsquos account of his dealings with Seal in the book, &ldquoCompromised.&rdquo This book hurt me, and I had also contact with a helio pilot code-named Pegasus who actually told Ollie Tenth Avenue North not to load a ice container of coke on his bird. North ordered him to &ldquostand down&rdquo by the pilot kept the Flight Log and I&rsquove seen it. BTW. I&rsquove been a aircraft and helio inspector for the past 25 years and just back from FOB SHANK last years. At my age its seems those long forgotten memories are the easiest..(chuckle).


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Barry Seal - History

AKA Adler Berriman Seal

Born: 19-Jul-1939
Birthplace: Baton Rouge, LA
Died: 19-Feb-1986
Location of death: Baton Rouge, LA
Cause of death: Murder
Remains: Buried, Greenoaks Memorial Park, Baton Rouge, LA

Gender: Male
Race or Ethnicity: White
Sexual orientation: Straight
Occupation: Criminal, Government

Nationality: United States
Executive summary: DEA informant, CIA contract pilot

Military service: US Army (20th Special Forces Group, 245th Engineer Battalion)

Born in Baton Rouge and raised by a member of the Ku Klux Klan, Barry Seal hovered around the edges of an improbably large number of major CIA operations.

In 1952, while still a teenager, Barry Seal enlisted with the Civil Air Patrol in Baton Rouge. Shortly after joining he participated in a joint training exercise with the Patrol's New Orleans unit, where he met Lee Harvey Oswald. Seal's association with Oswald and his flight instructor David Ferrie, both known to have been involved in the assassination of JFK, make his claim to have flown the getaway plane on 22 November 1963 entirely plausible. Seal's involvement with the CIA probably began shortly after he joined the CAP, but the first evidence dates to 1962. Seal's flight records are mysteriously blank for the period of time corresponding exactly to the CIA's Louisiana-based training of exiles and mercenaries for the second invasion of Guatemala.

Seal joined the Special Forces Reserve in late 1962 and about a month later was photographed in a Mexico City nightclub sitting with CIA operative Porter Goss and the rest of Operation Forty, the special operation charged with assasinating Fidel Castro. On 1 May 1963, Seal was transferred to Company D of the 20th Special Forces Group, the company that was dispatched to Memphis on the same day as the assassination of Martin Luther King. When the Memphis Commercial Appeal conducted an investigation of the 20th, they found it composed of a highly unusual number of veterans of CIA assassination operations in Southeast Asia. The 20th was also said to have a domestic intelligence network run for them by the KKK.

After getting out of the Army, Seal went to work as a pilot for TWA. Fellow Operation Forty pilot Tosh Plumlee maintains that Seal moonlighted as a CIA pilot working for Ted Shackley in Laos and Vietnam, flying Special Ops missions. In 1972, Seal was arrested in New Orleans for attempting to smuggle 7 tons of C-4 to an anti-Castro group in Mexico however, he was not fired from TWA until 1974. When his case came to trial that same year, the prosecutors introduced as evidence a gun which had nothing to do with the charges, and the judge declared a mistrial. Such a bizarre course of events led congressional investigators to suspect that Barry Seal might possibly have some sort of special relationship with the government.

Soon after being fired from TWA, Seal turned to drug smuggling as a major source of income. In December 1979 he was arrested in Guatemala with $25M worth of cocaine and imprisoned. He bribed the Guatemalan government to release him, but before he could be released, elections were held, forcing him to bribe an entirely new set of Guatemalan officials. In Sepetember 1980, he was released without being charged. While in prison, he fortuitously befriended William Roger Reeves who worked for the Medellin Drug Cartel. One year later, Reeves, as manager of the cartel's New Orleans operation, introduced Seal to Felix Bates. Seal soon began flying cocaine shipments into the US for the Colombian cartel.

By the time Seal was arrested in Ft. Lauderdale in March 1984, he had flown over 100 flights for the Medellin, bringing between $3B and $5B worth of cocaine into the United States -- perhaps more than anyone in history. He tried to cop a deal with the Florida DEA, but they declined. Rebuffed, Seal managed to contact George H.W. Bush with whom he struck a deal to testify, before the Task Force on Drugs, that the Sandinistas were complicit in the the Colombian cocaine trade. In order to exchange a ten-year sentence for six months probation, he also agreed to participate in a drug sting aimed at Pablo Escobar and other top-ranking members of the Medellin.

Seal now returned to drug-smuggling with official sanction (if indeed he hadn't had it before) in return for smuggling arms to Contras in Honduras. Seal managed to obtain several photographs of Escobar directing Nicaraguan soldiers loading 1200 kilos of cocaine onto a plane. Ronald Reagan later displayed one of the photographs on national television, denouncing the Sandanistas as "drug smugglers corrupting American youth".

Before 1984 was over, Seal would be again arrested for smuggling drugs, this time marijuana. He posted bail and once again returned to smuggling drugs. In December 1985, Seal was finally sentenced to six months supervised probation. From 6 p.m. till 6 a.m. every day, Seal was required by the terms of his probation to report to the Salvation Army halfway house in Baton Rouge. He complained of the regular schedule and spoke of being made a "clay pigeon". Within seven weeks he was dead, assassinated by a squad of Latin Americans in front of the halfway house.

Everything seemed to fit together -- a DEA informant had been targeted by the cartel he had betrayed. Yet soon after the assassination, the FBI showed up at the Louisiana State Police forensics lab and illegally seized all of Barry Seal's personal effects. When a state judge ordered the evidence returned, defense lawyers received an obviously ransacked suitcase. One thing the FBI had overlooked was a scrap of paper with VP George Bush's personal phone number. The assassins told their lawyers that once inside the US, they received directions from a US military official, later identified as Oliver North.

Father: (candy wholesaler, KKK member)
Wife: Deborah Seal

Is the subject of books:
Barry & 'the Boys': The CIA, the Mob and America's Secret History, 2001, BY: Daniel Hopsicker


Watch the video: Barry Seal: The American Pilot who Smuggled for Pablo Escobar (August 2022).

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